by Peter A. Belmont / 2012-01-19
© 2012 Peter Belmont
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Jump directly to Proposed Constitutional Amendment
The Supreme Court’s “Citizens United” decision has caught the American imagination as nothing else ever did before to the phenomenon called “oligarchy” and which might be called “electoral capture”—the effective purchase of legislatures—by corporations and fat-cats.
As a New York times editorial title puts it, “Still the Best Congress Money Can Buy” echoing Will Rogers’s familiar formulation, “We have the best Congress money can buy.”
There is another phenomenon, called “regulatory capture” which is the capture, via lobbying, of effective control of administrative agencies by corporations which the agencies were created to regulate.
This essay seeks to devise a single Constitutional Amendment which would, if adopted, cure both of these phenomena by ending the possibility that the vast wealth of some corporations and of some private citizens could any longer be used to overwhelmingly influence the election of candidates, purchase politicians, or manipulate the work of administrative agencies.
The possession of great wealth does not make people or corporations wiser than others—or more concerned with the welfare of others.
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Political power in the USA has slipped almost entirely into the hands of the “1%”—very, very rich individuals and large corporations. This is profoundly undemocratic, as the voices of the rest of us, the “99%”, have become almost entirely irrelevant to the direction of the country.
A September, 2014, article lays this out clearly: The American Corporate State by NORMAN POLLACK.
According to one source, “The Crisis of Neoliberalism”, Dumenil and Levy, Harvard Univ. Press, 2011, the economic system that rules most of the world, “neoliberalism”, was put in place precisely to advance the interests of a single “class”, the 1%: [T]he overall dynamics of capitalism under neoliberalism, both nationally and internationally, were determined by new class objectives that worked to the benefit of the highest income brackets, capitalist owners, and the upper fractions of management. The greater concentration of income in favor of a privileged minority was a crucial achievement of the new social order. In this respect, a social order is also a power configuration, and implicit in this latter notion is “class” power * * * Not only class relations are involved, but also imperial hierarchies, a permanent feature of capitalism.
The conflict between the 1% and the 99% is not merely a matter of most of the money rushing in a flood (not a trickle) up to the top 1%, as we read in Capitalism’s Barren Landscape.
Technological advances, particularly since the 1970s, have massively and rapidly altered the capitalist system in one crucial respect. As Hobsbawm suggested, computers and robots have created a large surplus of people around the globe. And capitalism, which is about growth, profit and speed of production, is unable and unwilling to deal with the surplus of humans.
Agriculture, automobile and shipbuilding industries once employed workers in their millions or more. Today, they employ a tiny proportion of the population. Feudalism, which preceded modern capitalism, and communism, which competed with it, engaged many more people. Communism failed because, despite all its idealism, it was conservative, nationalistic and coercive. The capitalist system suffers from the same type of orthodoxy today. It is polluted by narrow individualism and nationalism.
Although ownership of wealth matters a great deal, the possession of political power matters even more. The very rich are very rich in large part because they control legislation, regulation, taxation, and the administration of the laws—in short, justice.
It is by now a commonplace that the economy’s recent crash was the result of de-regulation of the banking industry brought about (or “bought”) by the banking lobby—BIG-BANKs, as was the subsequent bail-out. Similarly, the USA’s new mandatory health insurance law (“ObamaCare”) was largely drafted to satisfy demands of BIG-PHARMA and BIG-HEALTH-INSURANCE. The USA’s recent wars are regarded as manifestations of the political power of the military-industrial-complex (BIG-WAR and BIG-ARMS) as well, perhaps, by the oil lobby, BIG-OIL, which has also secured a right to drill for oil offshore, the recent BP oil-spill notwithstanding.
The system of government by a few very wealthy manipulators, government by the BIGs, has long been known, and even has a name. It is called “oligarchy”.
Oligarchy of this sort has been decried since America’s earliest days:Thomas Jefferson, one of the founders of the United States democratic system, said “I hope we shall crush ... in its birth the aristocracy of our moneyed corporations, which dare already to challenge our government to a trial of strength and bid defiance to the laws of our country”.(Jefferson quotations).
Franklin D. Roosevelt, in an April 29, 1938 message to Congress, warned that the growth of private power could lead to fascism:[T]he liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in its essence, is fascism—ownership of government by an individual, by a group, or by any other controlling private power. [Franklin D. Roosevelt, “Recommendations to the Congress to Curb Monopolies and the Concentration of Economic Power,” April 29, 1938, in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, ed. Samuel I. Rosenman, vol. 7, (New York, MacMillan: 1941), pp. 305-315.]
(Anti-Monopoly) (FDR).
[...] Statistics of the Bureau of Internal Revenue reveal the following amazing figures for 1935: “Ownership of corporate assets: Of all corporations reporting from every part of the Nation, one-tenth of 1 percent of them owned 52 percent of the assets of all of them.”[See prev.]
[From wikipedia.]
We Americans “enjoy” oligarchic government, government by the BIGs—not democracy.
It’s time for a profound change.
I present the following “draft constitutional amendment” as an ideal, a distant goal, perhaps unattainable today, but a sine qua non for ending American oligarchy. For so long as big money is allowed to manipulate politics in America, for so long will democracy in America be a dead letter.
Some people may ask, what’s so bad about oligarchy, anyway? Surely it’s better than allowing the people to run their own government—some may say. Here’s my answer.
Oligarchy is bad (from the point of view of ordinary Americans) for two reasons:
First, the vast majority of the people have almost no effective voice in politics, so that their particular needs go unmet. Among other problems, primary electoral campaigns are so effectively controlled by “big money” that by the time the November election occurs, the two party candidates have been pre-screened for acceptability to the big-money interests. Both candidates will be big-business candidates. In short, oligarchy is undemocratic.
Second, the oligarchs, especially the corporations, have very short time-lines of concern, and have shown themselves incapable of working usefully on long-term problems, such as overpopulation, impending water shortages, global warming, and various pollution issues. They have acted anti-environmentally and anti-labor because they perceive profits for themselves to depend significantly in not having to pay for costly externalities (pollution, industrial accidents to workers). Seeking to escape taxation for themselves and for their highly paid employees, they have not done a very good job on the National Debt, either.
Most people are aware of the problem of corporate (and fat-cat) control of the electoral process—what might be called “electoral capture”. Beside “electoral capture”, another problem arises from oligarchy.
Most people are not aware of the problem, arising from lobbying as well as from electoral capture—the problem of corporate and fat-cat capture and control of administrative agencies, a phenomenon called “agency capture” or ”regulatory capture”.
Merely fixing the Citizens United decision will not end either “electoral capture” or “regulatory capture”. Something more is needed.
A Constitutional Amendment is Needed to Cure these Problems:
What Should it Say?
Most people agree that this sad state of American politics cannot be revised without a constitutional amendment. The question is, however, what should be the substance of that amendment?
Some people have already tried their hands at suggesting fixes for the problems of oligarchy, or some of them. These proposals do not seem to deal with “regulatory capture”. [1]
Most proposals have been limited to undoing recent Supreme Court decisions, “Citizens United” and others, which have held (in effect) that spending money on politics is equivalent to political speech, that political spending may not be limited for most purposes, and that corporations have a right to free speech, each of these a dubious proposition. Taken together, the Court has said that corporations and the very, very wealthy (as well as every other person, even those earning below poverty level) may spend as much money as they care to to achieve political purposes.
And these decisions, from the perspective of all the rest of us (the “99%”), are a bit like saying, as someone once said, comparing the rich to the homeless, that “The rich and the poor alike may sleep under bridges”.
Here is a proposed constitutional amendment to achieve what I see as the main requirements of such democratic restoration:
1. Political action (defined below: roughly, lobbying and electoral campaigning) shall be undertaken only by individual human beings and by PAOs—Political Action Organizations (defined below)—that is, by organizations established for the declared purpose of doing political action and subject to important restrictions on funding.
2. Each person (attn: Supreme Court, by this I mean human being) shall be restricted as to the total amount of money he/she may in any one calendar year, cumulatively, spend on all political action and/or give to all PAOs.
3. No non-person entity (such as a corporation, labor union) other than another PAO may transfer any funds to a PAO.
What would these three simple proposals accomplish?
First, no corporation or other non-person entity other than a PAO would be allowed to transfer funds to any PAO or to take any political action whatever: no lobbying, no electioneering, no contributing to parties or campaigns. No “free speech” as to politics. None. (This would be a profound change!)
Corporations were not mentioned in the Constitution, were not foreseen in their present form (or with their present immense power) in 1787, and should play no role in politics. If a corporation owns a press, then freedom of the press arises due to the press, not due to the corporation. (I don’t present here a “fix” for this problem, or for the concentration of power in major corporations that own many TV stations and newspapers.)
Second, wealthy people would still have a political advantage over ordinary people because, if the annual limit were $1000, they would have the disposable wealth to pay the entire $1000 to PAOs, whereas ordinary people might do no more than send $25 to a particular campaign (PAO!) or two. However, there is a difference between a wealthy man spending $1000 a year on politics and spending $1,000,000 a year on politics.
There are problems with this plan. Preserving free speech and free press are large within them. Ah, well. A trip of a thousand miles begins with a single step—as does the trip which lands me on my face. Read on!
(revised 6/18/2012)
Defining: “Political Action”
“Political action” means any action or gift or expenditure of money or transfer of other valuable thing done:
Lobbying
[1] with a purpose or reasonably likely to influence the taking of any official governmental action whatever by any officer, director, member, or employee, whether elected, appointed, or otherwise hired, of any governmental body or quasi-governmental body, whether administrative, legislative, judicial, police, military, or otherwise; providing, furthermore, that the language “officer, director, member, or employee” of any body shall be deemed to embrace any officer, director, member, or employee of any non-government entity contracted with, directly or indirectly, for the performance by such entity of governmental work for the said body;
Elections
[2] with a purpose or reasonably likely to influence the outcome of any public election—whether to public elective office, recall, bond issuance, petition, constitutional change, or otherwise— whether federal, state, or local, directly or indirectly—including making monetary or other gifts to PAOs (defined below)—or by making paid advertisements or by hiring time for such a purpose on public broadcasting media such as radio or TV—where such action or expenditure is intended to reach or appeal to the attention of a significant portion of the general public; providing, however, that no educational institution shall be impeded hereby in teaching its own students or doing research, nor any religious institution impeded in conducting religious services, and further providing that no entity shall be impeded hereby in creating and publishing writings of the sort which have heretofore been protected under the First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States of America under the rubric of “freedom of the press”; or
Litigation
[3] with a purpose or reasonably likely to promote, prevent, intervene in, or otherwise affect litigation in which the actor or donor is not a party.
Defining: “PAO”
“PAO” means an organization created in whole, or in part, to take “political action” and registered as such, as may be required by statute, which statute is hereby authorized.
A PAO may not receive funds or other valuable things other than:
• lawful political donations from people (human beings); and
• transfers from other PAOs of political donations previously (and lawfully) made.
Any organization heretofore created in whole, or in part, for the purpose of taking political action—other than as an agent for others—which possesses funds of more than a minimal amount, the amount of such minimum to be set by statute, shall return such funds to whoever donated them, if possible, or otherwise turn them over to the treasury of the USA.
Defining: “Lawful Political Spending”,
“Lawful Political Donation”, and “Lawful PAO Expenditure”
“Lawful Political Spending” means money spent or valuables transferred by a person (human being) as political action subject to the following “Restriction on Lawful Political Spending and Lawful Political Donation”;
“Lawful Political Donation” means a gift of money or other valuable thing by a person (human being) to a PAO subject to the following “Restriction on Lawful Political Spending and Lawful Political Donation”;
“Lawful PAO Expenditure” means the expenditure by a PAO, whether or not for purposes of political action, of any money lawfully acquired by the PAO.
“Restriction on Lawful Political Spending and Lawful Political Donation”:
• the total of all sums of money spent as political action and/or the value of all money or valuable things given or transfered to one or more PAOs by any one person (human being) during any one calendar year shall not exceed a limit set for such expenditure, gift, or transfer by statute; in the absence of such statute, this annual limit shall be $1,000.
• no spending or giving of money for a political purpose by a non-human-being other than a PAO shall be lawful; and
• no gift of money or other valuable thing to any human being shall be lawful if it be given for the purpose or with the understanding that such money or other property would be used for political action.
The Congress shall establish by statute a regulatory mechanism whereby, the gift of money to a PAO and, as far as feasible, the expenditure of money as political action may be recognized as such and the cumulative amount of such spending and donations checked to assure that they do not exceed the statutory limiting amount.
Defining: ”Lawful Political Action”
“Lawful Political Action” means “political action” taken or done:
• by a human being or by such person’s paid agent for that purpose.;
• by a PAO or by such PAO’s paid agent for that purpose.; or
• by any other entity when required to do so by law or by other legal compulsion, or by such entity’s paid agent for that purpose.
providing, however, that no entity offering its services to any person or PAO as an agent for political action (such as a newspaper publisher or radio or TV broadcaster):
• may charge a higher fee for its services as such than it does for non-political services of a similar character;
• may charge any but a uniform and published rate or fee for all work of political agency;
• may refuse any work of political agency except for lack of resources and, in that case, only on a non-discriminatory basis;
• may publish or broadcast any political material without disclosing the name of the person or PAO for whom or which it served as paid agent; or
• may charge less than cost for services of such services of political agency.
Note to Courts Regarding Enforcement Hereof
These provisions shall be interpreted liberally by the courts to the end that political power shall be limited to the (human) people of the United States of America on an equitable basis not unduly favoring the wealthy and shall pass as entirely as possible out of the hands of non-human-persons such as corporations except as provision is made for PAOs.
These provisions shall not be interpreted so as to prohibit businesses from doing business with governments or with government employees (elected, appointed, and otherwise) as individuals, but the courts shall attempt to limit such dealings to real arm’s length business dealings and shall attempt to outlaw any covert political dealings—such as, for example, employment or promises of employment by businesses of government employees, or of members of their families, as a form of bribery during the government service of such government employees.
How do I imagine all this working in practice?
I imagine that the various interest groups will create PAOs. A corporation might, for instance, create its own (or perhaps an industry-wide) PAO, such as the “BIG-OIL-PAO”. The corporation would advise shareholders and employees of the existence and purpose of the PAO and would invite them to give a portion of their annual “political action money” to it. Purposes of the BIG-OIL-PAO would presumably include trying to secure election of pro-BIG-OIL candidates, passage of pro-BIG-OIL tax codes and other legislation, and adoption of pro-BIG-OIL administrative rules and regulations.
Similarly, environmentalists would create such PAOs as “Save-the-Water-PAO” and “Save-the-Air-PAO” and so on, and all Americans concerned with clean air and clean water would be invited to give a portion of their annual “political action money” to try to secure election, legislation, and administrative decisions protective of clean air and clean water.
The NRA would transform itself into the NRA-PAO. The gun-control folks would create “Gun-Control-PAO”.
Pro and anti-abortion folks would do the same.
The trick, here, is that none of these PAOs would receive any money at all directly from corporations, churches, labor unions, and so on, and would receive far less money than they do today from very rich individuals.
What we’d have would be a lot closer to democracy than what we have now.
Politicians would have to get electoral campaign money from ordinary people, for the most part, and from PAOs funded—also—by ordinary people. For the most part.
Who knows what might happen next? Electioneering might be conducted mostly via the internet, essentially for free (as matters are today). Or the politicians might decide to “nationalize” radio and TV during electoral season (and shorten that season, perhaps!) on the argument that the “people” own the airwaves and merely “lease” them to the broadcasters—and that political advertising should be free during the month or two before each election.
It would be an experiment.
What I intend is that the corporations conduct commerce and keep their hands out of politics. I am afraid that they would find ways to intrude into politics, anyhow. They always have and presumably always will.
But what I propose would be a good start. We’d have done what we could and would have to trust the courts and honest law enforcement to prevent corporate and fat-cat end-runs around the new amendment.
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[1] Some people believe that a mere statute can unseat the oligarchs. For example, Congressman Sanders has introduced a bill with these provisions: `Section 1. The rights protected by the Constitution of the United States are the rights of natural persons and do not extend to for-profit corporations, limited liability companies, or other private entities established for business purposes or to promote business interests under the laws of any state, the United States, or any foreign state.
`Section 2. Such corporate and other private entities established under law are subject to regulation by the people through the legislative process so long as such regulations are consistent with the powers of Congress and the States and do not limit the freedom of the press.
`Section 3. Such corporate and other private entities shall be prohibited from making contributions or expenditures in any election of any candidate for public office or the vote upon any ballot measure submitted to the people.
`Section 4. Congress and the States shall have the power to regulate and set limits on all election contributions and expenditures, including a candidate’s own spending, and to authorize the establishment of political committees to receive, spend, and publicly disclose the sources of those contributions and expenditures.’.
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