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Israel/Palestine was clearly heading to 2012 in 1994 |
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by Peter A. Belmont / 2012-02-02
© 2012 Peter Belmont
Anthony Lewis’s ”To Make Peace Is To Choose” (op-ed, 12/16/1994) * * * If those troubles mean the peace plan has failed, Ariel Sharon and other right-wing proponents of a Greater Israel will have won. Years ago they said they were planting Jewish settlements in the occupied territories to “create facts on the ground”—and make it impossible for future Israeli governments to compromise for peace. And the settlements have so far kept Prime Minister Rabin from making the political choice on which the prospect of peace depends. * * * The choice is between two visions. One is of an Israel within roughly its pre-1967 borders, living alongside a Palestinian country. The other is of an Israel exercising ultimate authority on both sides of the line, with its soldiers on duty throughout the West Bank and in Gaza.
The key to that choice is settlements. There are now 120,000 people living in Jewish settlements all around the West Bank and in a few places in the Gaza Strip. Their presence in the occupied territories has had a series of consequences destructive of the process envisaged in the Declaration of Principles. * * * makes abundantly clear that Israel’s civilian settlements in the West Bank and Gaza doom the peace that is, many hope, abuilding between the people of Israel and the Palestinian people. The expansionist and irredentist politics of the settlers and their friends makes it next to impossible for any Israeli government to do what Mr. Lewis describes as creating “an Israel within roughly its pre-1967 borders, living alongside a Palestinian country.” It thus makes next to impossible Israeli adherence to Security Council Resolution 242 which calls upon Israel to return to its pre-1967 borders in exchange for peace. It is worthy of note that all negotiations toward peace have been, at lest nominally, based on Res. 242.
Sadly, Mr. Lewis fails, in his otherwise excellent piece, to call attention to the patterns of transfer of power that account for the present settlements problem. Initially, Israeli citizens entered and settled in the occupied territories illegally—by the Israeli government’s view. then that government found it easier to go along than to fight for legality, and settlements became legal—by the Israeli government view. Later still that government created financial inducements to entice Israel’s (Jewish) citizens to settle in the territories. By this shift of power did illegal settlers ultimately direct Israeli state policy.
Similarly, the U.S. found it easier to go along with the settlements—illegal under international law—than to fight Israel and the noisiest of its American friends. While the usurpation of Palestinian public and private lands went on, the U.S. encouraged Israel with annual gifts which today are conveniently described as $3 billion per year. The effect of these great and generous gifts, however intended by the U.S., was to induce Israel to continue its policies, including the policy of settlement. By these two shits of power did illegal settlers ultimately direct both Israeli and U.S. policy. One tail wagged not one but two dogs.
The people and establishments of power in the U.S. could stop ab reverse this on-going and peace-destructive illegal seizure of Palestinian lands but show no signs of doing so. We could insist that the annual $3 billion gifts and the $10 billion loan guarantees be halted until Israel starts the continuous removal of the settlers and be diminished to the extent of post-1992 Israeli expenditures in the territories not made for Palestinian benefit. That we do not do so shows that we admire power over justice. While we do not do so, Hamas begins an intifada against both Israel and the PLO.
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